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It's Our Country Too : Indigenous Arguments for Meaningful Constitutional Recognition and Reform
anthology
It's Our Country Too : Indigenous Arguments for Meaningful Constitutional Recognition and Reform
anthology
Issue Details:
First known date:
2016...
2016
It's Our Country Too : Indigenous Arguments for Meaningful Constitutional Recognition and Reform
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AbstractHistoryArchive Description
'A collection of short essays by leading and emerging Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander thinkers and leaders. Edited by and including contributions from Megan Davis and Marcia Langton, it conveys to Australians why indigenous peoples should have a direct say in the decisions that affect their lives. Australia is one of the only liberal democracies still grappling with fundamental questions about the place of indigenous peoples, unlike its common law cousins Canada, the United States and New Zealand. (Source: Publisher's website)
Publication Details of Only Known VersionEarliest 2 Known Versions of
Works about this Work
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Reconciliation, a Postcolonial Settlement and the Constitutional Recognition Debates : A Review Essay
2017
single work
essay
— Appears in: Transnational Literature , May vol. 9 no. 2 2017; 'In 2017, with a Parliament that features the newly-elected Senator Pauline Hanson, flanked by a handful of One Nation members, Australia seems to be entering a new Culture Wars. Senator Hanson’s 2016 maiden speech, much criticised for its scapegoating of Muslim Australians, revisited old ground. Indeed, much of the criticism remarked upon the fact that she seemed to have simply inserted ‘Muslim Australians’ in place of the ‘Asians’ or ‘Aboriginal Australians’ who were represented as the ‘problem’ for Australia back in 1996, when the Culture Wars polarised the nation. The Culture Wars 1.0 were characterised by an over-reaction to the Mabo decision of 1992, which polarised the nation by recognising that Native Title was not extinguished by white settlement, and that Terra Nullius was a ‘legal fiction’. The newly recognised rights of Indigenous Australians to their lands resulted in concerted opposition by powerful mining and pastoral lobbies, who argued that the Mabo decision diluted their rights to exploit Australian land. The Howard Government joined in, falsely claiming that Native Title legislation would threaten family homes. When the High Court found in the Wik case of 1996 that pastoral leases were not extinguished by Native Title, but could ‘co-exist’, the Government seized on the decision to find ways to extinguish Native Title. Howard’s Wik 10-point plan inserted a ‘national interest’ provision over Crown lands, and restricted both the time limits for claims to be lodged, and the types of lands that could be claimed. Mining and pastoral interests were reframed as ‘national’ interests’ , while Indigenous claims to territory were diluted, with Indigenous Land Use agreements effectively extinguishing Native Title when Indigenous and non-Indigenous parties reached an agreement. However, compensatory royalties would be provided to Indigenous traditional owners in exchange for mining or other commercial activities on their lands. In its dominant usage, ‘settlement’ in the Australian context implies the peaceable takeover of Indigenous territories in the name of the British Empire since 1788, with resultant waves of British immigration leading to the production of ‘Australia’ as a nation-state in 1901. These debates demonstrated that it was land – white possession and ownership – that was at stake throughout the following decade in an increasingly divisive debate about the politics of Reconciliation.' (Introduction) -
Recognise What Governments Have Not
2016
single work
review
— Appears in: The Australian , 16 July 2016; (p. 22)
— Review of It's Our Country Too : Indigenous Arguments for Meaningful Constitutional Recognition and Reform 2016 anthology essay 'It’s Our Country contains essays by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander legal specialists, academics and business and community leaders. Each sets out their view on meaningful constitutional recognition, and “their visions for reform”. The book is edited by Megan Davis, director of the University of NSW law school, and Marcia Langton, foundation chair of Australian indigenous studies at the University of Melbourne. It’s closely argued, well written and often graphic (“the airtight cage of poverty”), as befits “polities” (nations) of poetic storytellers. ...' -
Reaching Out : Two Unique Contribution to a Complex Debate
2016
single work
review
essay
— Appears in: Australian Book Review , November no. 386 2016; (p. 16-17) 'Are you part of the non-Indigenous majority? Have you had too little contact with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people? Do you feel that you do not fully comprehend their worldview, but wish you could? Is entrenched Aboriginal disadvantage eating away at your sense of Australia as a fair and united country? Do you still possess the recollection of your first encounter with an Aboriginal person, and wonder why it remains so enduring? Are you troubled by the time being taken to achieve constitutional recognition and frustrated that an apparently simple issue has become so vexed? If these questions resonate in your mind, you have much in common with many Australians and may benefit from reading these books.' (Introduction)
-
Recognise What Governments Have Not
2016
single work
review
— Appears in: The Australian , 16 July 2016; (p. 22)
— Review of It's Our Country Too : Indigenous Arguments for Meaningful Constitutional Recognition and Reform 2016 anthology essay 'It’s Our Country contains essays by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander legal specialists, academics and business and community leaders. Each sets out their view on meaningful constitutional recognition, and “their visions for reform”. The book is edited by Megan Davis, director of the University of NSW law school, and Marcia Langton, foundation chair of Australian indigenous studies at the University of Melbourne. It’s closely argued, well written and often graphic (“the airtight cage of poverty”), as befits “polities” (nations) of poetic storytellers. ...' -
Reaching Out : Two Unique Contribution to a Complex Debate
2016
single work
review
essay
— Appears in: Australian Book Review , November no. 386 2016; (p. 16-17) 'Are you part of the non-Indigenous majority? Have you had too little contact with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people? Do you feel that you do not fully comprehend their worldview, but wish you could? Is entrenched Aboriginal disadvantage eating away at your sense of Australia as a fair and united country? Do you still possess the recollection of your first encounter with an Aboriginal person, and wonder why it remains so enduring? Are you troubled by the time being taken to achieve constitutional recognition and frustrated that an apparently simple issue has become so vexed? If these questions resonate in your mind, you have much in common with many Australians and may benefit from reading these books.' (Introduction) -
Reconciliation, a Postcolonial Settlement and the Constitutional Recognition Debates : A Review Essay
2017
single work
essay
— Appears in: Transnational Literature , May vol. 9 no. 2 2017; 'In 2017, with a Parliament that features the newly-elected Senator Pauline Hanson, flanked by a handful of One Nation members, Australia seems to be entering a new Culture Wars. Senator Hanson’s 2016 maiden speech, much criticised for its scapegoating of Muslim Australians, revisited old ground. Indeed, much of the criticism remarked upon the fact that she seemed to have simply inserted ‘Muslim Australians’ in place of the ‘Asians’ or ‘Aboriginal Australians’ who were represented as the ‘problem’ for Australia back in 1996, when the Culture Wars polarised the nation. The Culture Wars 1.0 were characterised by an over-reaction to the Mabo decision of 1992, which polarised the nation by recognising that Native Title was not extinguished by white settlement, and that Terra Nullius was a ‘legal fiction’. The newly recognised rights of Indigenous Australians to their lands resulted in concerted opposition by powerful mining and pastoral lobbies, who argued that the Mabo decision diluted their rights to exploit Australian land. The Howard Government joined in, falsely claiming that Native Title legislation would threaten family homes. When the High Court found in the Wik case of 1996 that pastoral leases were not extinguished by Native Title, but could ‘co-exist’, the Government seized on the decision to find ways to extinguish Native Title. Howard’s Wik 10-point plan inserted a ‘national interest’ provision over Crown lands, and restricted both the time limits for claims to be lodged, and the types of lands that could be claimed. Mining and pastoral interests were reframed as ‘national’ interests’ , while Indigenous claims to territory were diluted, with Indigenous Land Use agreements effectively extinguishing Native Title when Indigenous and non-Indigenous parties reached an agreement. However, compensatory royalties would be provided to Indigenous traditional owners in exchange for mining or other commercial activities on their lands. In its dominant usage, ‘settlement’ in the Australian context implies the peaceable takeover of Indigenous territories in the name of the British Empire since 1788, with resultant waves of British immigration leading to the production of ‘Australia’ as a nation-state in 1901. These debates demonstrated that it was land – white possession and ownership – that was at stake throughout the following decade in an increasingly divisive debate about the politics of Reconciliation.' (Introduction)
Last amended 18 Jul 2016 11:12:55
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